Chicago: The most happy bordello
Sin in the Second City: Chicago's demimonde flourished a
century ago - to the alarm of reformers
By Joseph Epstein
July 15, 2007
"Sin in the Second City", By Karen Abbott, Random House, 356 pages, $25.95

From 1900 to 1911 in Chicago, the sisters Ada (left) and Minna
Everleigh ran the Everleigh Club, a lavish brothel that included the ornately
furnished Japanese Throne Room. |
A young man walking up the stairs to a bordello encounters his father coming
down the stairs. "Dad!" he says. "What're you doing here?"
"For two dollars," his father replies, "why bother your mother?"
This is a very old joke, as the two-dollar fee denotes, and not an entirely
tasteful one. But for so brief a joke, it is rich in historical implications.
To begin with, it makes certain assumptions about male and female sexuality:
Men need sex, it posits, while for women sex is chiefly a disturbance. The
notion of both father and son frequenting the same bordello also makes it seem,
like the fire department or the corner tavern, practically a neighborhood
institution.
One doesn't hear much nowadays about bordellos, also known as cathouses,
brothels, houses of ill repute or simple whorehouses. When I was an adolescent
in Chicago, in the early 1950s, the trip to such a place was a rite de passage
for nearly every male youth of unambiguous appetites. In my day the chief such
institutions, operating on assembly-line principles, were to be found outside
the city, one in Kankakee, the other in Braidwood. Students at the University
of Illinois relieved the tedium of their sound liberal arts or business
educations by visiting establishments in Danville, birthplace of Dick Van Dyke
and Bobby Short.
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At such places, after a quick examination of the customer for signs that would
render him hors de combat, it was directly on to business. And swift business
it tended to be. Edward Dahlberg, in his autobiography "Because I Was Flesh,"
spoke of the quickness of adolescent sexual response, comparing it to the
astonishingly rapid disappearing sunsets of Quito in Ecuador, and Mr. Dahlberg,
in his reckoning, was not imprecise.
At a more expansive level, call-girls were available for men on ampler budgets.
These were women who in effect offered curb service, coming out to one's
apartment, or attending one's parties, at the time of one's choosing. A few
independent operators, who might have two or three women stashed away in
obscure neighborhoods, stayed in business by working the complexities of the
city's graft system. At the bottom of the harlot hierarchy were streetwalkers,
who took clientele to nearby dreary rooms or worked in the customer's car.
But the great cathouse era of Chicago was in the first decade or so of the 20th
century. This era and those cathouses have now been described with scrupulous
concern for historical accuracy and in clear, lively prose by Karen Abbott in
"Sin in the Second City." Lavish in her details, nicely detached in her point
of view, Ms. Abbott has written an immensely readable book. "Sin in the Second
City" offers much in the way of reflection for those interested in the unending
puzzle that goes by the name of human nature.
Ms. Abbott's account of fleshly sin and the response to it in the city of
Chicago in the early 20th century centers on a bordello known as the Everleigh
Club, which even now is talked about in Chicago by men interested in the
sporting life. The club was the creation of two sisters, Minna and Ada
Everleigh, who themselves had earlier worked the hard trade of harlotry in
Omaha and elsewhere.
The Everleigh Club opened on Feb. 1, 1900, and closed on the morning of Oct.
25, 1911. In between times, the sisters accrued assets, by Ms. Abbott's
estimate, worth more than $20 million in today's dollars, while their
establishment acquired world-wide fame as one of the wonders of the city of
Chicago, which, in the words of First Ward Alderman Michael "Hinky Dink" Kenna,
"ain't no sissy town."
The Everleigh Club was a cathouse with a vast difference -- it was more like
the Ritz, with, of course, added attractions. Sumptuous food was served
(entrées on the buffet included guinea fowl, pheasant and broiled squab), music
both serious and popular played while a basso continuo was supplied by the
popping of champagne corks, and the downstairs décor included a gold piano that
set the sisters back no fewer than 15 grand.
Unlike their consoeurs in the Levee, as the whorehouse district on Chicago's
South Side was called, the sisters Everleigh enforced a high standard of
luxury, carefully culled their clientele and monitored the behavior of staff.
They also treated their girls -- known as courtesans, and sometimes as the
butterflies -- with fairness and an utter absence of cruelty, which was far
from the case in other houses in the Levee. Girls working at the Everleigh Club
made more than a hundred dollars a week, a fine wage at the time. To give some
notion of the general tone of the place: While customers were upstairs
frolicking with the girls, downstairs their suits were being pressed.
Although Ms. Abbott does not describe what went on in the girls' rooms chez
Everleigh, she informs us that corporate accounts were available to good
customers, and she chronicles the gaudier scandals. These include one of the
Marshalls Field, of the famous department-store family, being shot in the
Levee; and, later, Herbert Swift, of the great meatpacking family, dying of
unknown causes after supposedly departing the Everleigh Club with one of its
girls. The heavyweight champion Jack Johnson served time in jail under the Mann
Act for transporting an Everleigh butterfly named Belle Schreiber across state
lines.
The characters of Minna and Ada Everleigh and their thoughtful way of going
about their business are intricately delineated by Ms. Abbott, who, I think it
fair to say, views them affectionately and with measured admiration. But her
book is ultimately a saga of a clash between the forces of vice and those of
reform in the city of Chicago. In this battle, reform has right but absolutely
no humor on its side -- right, that is, if one assumes that human weakness is
easily eradicated through the changing of institutions.
The methods proposed for dealing with the extensive prostitution in Chicago
early in the last century were, first, to segregate it in a particular part of
town, and, second, to root it out and eliminate it altogether. Ministers,
ambitious young lawyers set on forging political careers, anti-smoking
campaigners, temperance workers, the B'nai Br'ith, vegetarians, and others on
the side of sweetness and light naturally enough went for complete elimination.
When a blue-ribbon commission on vice published a report called "The Social
Evil in Chicago," which also argued for getting rid of prostitution completely,
it was roundly greeted as "a contribution to the cause of morality and
decency," according to the local press. But not by the young journalist Walter
Lippmann, who noted that those who composed the report were naïve in thinking
that "sex must be confined to procreation by a healthy, intelligent and
strictly monogamous couple." The commission, Lippmann wrote, ignored "the
sexual impulse in discussing a sexual problem . . . yet who that has read the
report itself and put himself in any imaginative understanding of conditions
can escape seeing that prostitution today is organic to our industrial life,
our marriage sanctions, and our social customs?"
"Sin in the Second City" provides a fine account of how the sides lined up in
Chicago for the battle over prostitution reform. On one side were the hack
politicians who made a lot of money from prostitution by way of graft, on the
other were the "visiting firemen," as the Everleigh sisters referred to the
street ministers and other forces of reform; squirming nicely in between were
mayors and state legislators. The outcome of the battle was that prostitution
was briefly curbed, then, after a decent interval of a few years, it was back
to business as usual. The Everleigh sisters, who moved on to private life in
New York, were the victims of this ultimately empty hullabaloo because of the
enormous fame of their establishment.
Ms. Abbott doesn't go into it, but what finally killed big-time prostitution
was, in part, the spread of crime. Going off with prostitutes eventually became
dangerous. But in much larger part it was killed by the change in social temper
that came with the sexual revolution. Once nice girls began giving sex away,
less-nice girls who charged for it were out of work. Nice girls, though this
may not have been what they had in mind, thus contributed more to social reform
than all the professional reformers and other visiting firemen in Chicago and
elsewhere in the world.
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